From the New York Times:
Outside Groups Spend Heavily and Visibly to Sway '08 Races
By LESLIE WAYNE
Published: January 1, 2008
DES MOINES — Spurred by a recent Supreme Court decision, independent political
groups are using their financial muscle and organizational clout as never before
to influence the presidential race, pumping money and troops into early nominating
states on behalf of their favored candidates.
Iowans have been bombarded over the last few days with radio spots supporting
John Edwards that were paid for by a group affiliated with locals of the Service
Employees International Union, which just kicked in $800,000 — on top of
$760,000 already spent.
Senator Christopher J. Dodd, Democrat of Connecticut, rolled across Iowa on Monday
in a customized black-and-gold bus emblazoned with his picture and the logo of
the International Association of Firefighters, which has spent several hundred
thousand dollars supporting him. And at campaign events in Iowa, backers in A.F.S.C.M.E.
union shirts turned out Monday to show their support for Senator Hillary Rodham
Clinton, Democrat of New York. Those appearances come in addition to the union's
$770,000 advertising campaign promoting her candidacy.
The groups are prohibited from coordinating their efforts with the campaigns.
But the candidates, while often distancing themselves from these efforts, certainly
benefit from their activities. Iowa airwaves have been filled with commercials
from these groups as they take advantage of the June ruling that lifted a ban
on broadcast messages from independent groups within 30 days of a primary or caucus.
Independent groups also act as a vehicle for negative advertising that campaigns
are reluctant to engage in. The Club for Growth, for instance, has spent $700,000
so far, largely on broadcast spots here and in other early voting states that
criticize Mike Huckabee's record on taxes while he was Arkansas governor, an effort
that has received several hundred thousands of dollars from an Arkansas political
rival of Mr. Huckabee, a Republican.
The shifting stand on abortion by Mitt Romney, a Republican former governor of
Massachusetts, has come under attack in broadcast advertisements here and in New
Hampshire from the Republican Majority for Choice, a group of Republican women
who support abortion rights.
In the final two weeks before the caucuses on Thursday, independent groups have
so far spent at least $5 million in Iowa, with much of the money benefiting the
campaigns of Mr. Edwards and Mrs. Clinton. During the last presidential primary
election cycle, these groups spent nothing on advertising before the caucuses,
largely because of the prohibition on such activity in the 30 days before nominating
contests. But independent groups like the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth and MoveOn.org
played a major role in the 2004 general election.
The June ruling, in a case involving a Wisconsin anti-abortion group, allowed
television issue advertisements from third-party groups — whether unions,
corporations or wealthy individuals — to run right up to an election day.
Under the McCain-Feingold law, which limits the role of money in campaigns, these
spots had to cease 30 days before a primary election and 60 days before a general
one.
"This more permissive standard," said Kenneth Gross, a veteran campaign
finance lawyer, "means there will be more money, more ads and more saturation."
Unlike national political parties and their candidates, many of these interest
groups face no limits on how much they can take in from their contributors and
often do not have to disclose their donors' names until after an election. As
a result, it is difficult — if not impossible — to determine just
how much money they are spending. While there is, ostensibly, an independent relationship
between a campaign and these groups, restrictions on coordination between the
two are considered so murky that they are often difficult to apply.
In Iowa, the efforts on behalf of or against the candidates involve not only television
and radio advertisements, but also the nitty-gritty of a campaign: direct-mail
brochures, bus tours, pep rallies, telephone calls, educational efforts to explain
the caucuses, and traditional get-out-the-vote efforts. Independent groups pay
for billboards, banners, yard signs, caps, T-shirts and mugs and set up Web sites
on behalf of their favorite candidates, efforts that often look as though they
were produced by the campaign itself.
Senator Barack Obama of Illinois is the only leading Democrat who has not attracted
support from any of these groups in Iowa. By contrast, Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Edwards
are the biggest beneficiaries of independent efforts, largely because of the union
support the two have garnered. And yet both candidates are proponents of stricter
campaign finance rules.
Mr. Edwards, in particular, has made tightening such rules a cornerstone of his
campaign, putting him in a delicate position as he denounces expenditures coming
indirectly from some of his closest supporters, like locals of the service employees'
union.
On the campaign trail, Mr. Edwards has called on the groups, known as 527s for
the section of the tax code they fall under, to stop running advertisements supporting
him. But he has said he will not ask them directly.
"I do not support 527 groups," Mr. Edwards said. "They are part
of the law, but let me be clear: I am asking this group and others not to run
the ads. I would encourage all the 527s to stay out of the political process."
Mr. Dodd is getting a spirited boost from the firefighters' association, which
is traveling with him on a 23-city tour on a bus with an enormous picture of him
and the union's logo on its side.
"You can see that bus from two miles away," said Harold Schaitberger,
the union's president, who flew in from Washington to lead the effort for the
287,000-member union.
Mr. Schaitberger declined to say how much the group planned to spend, other than
that it would be "a considerable sum."
The bus tour shows how the lines are blurred: a previous tour cost the union $100,000,
while this one, using the same bus, is being paid for by the campaign. The union
has also posted "hundreds" of four-foot-by-eight-foot Dodd signs, he
said. Federal records show that the group also spent over $10,000 in the last
few days on billboards and $102,000 on full-page advertisements in Iowa's 23 largest
newspapers last Sunday.
Emily's List, a political action committee that supports women running as Democrats,
is making a special effort for Mrs. Clinton. Its campaign is titled "You
Go Girl!" and is directed at women who have never attended a caucus.
The group's own polling showed that Mrs. Clinton had a two-to-one lead among women
who had not previously attended a caucus. As a result, that group, which Emily's
List pared to 60,000 names, became the focus of its efforts with a direct-mail
campaign, a phone bank and a "You Go Girl!" Web site. All efforts feature
women with Midwestern accents explaining how the caucus works and urging them
to support Mrs. Clinton.
"Getting someone who has not caucused to go out is the hardest effort,"
said Maren Hesla, director of the effort, which she says has cost $300,000 so
far and "we're not done spending."
The Web site is also linked to a number of Google search terms. If an Iowan searches
terms like "safe toys," "stocking stuffers" or "after-Christmas
sale," a banner advertisement with the link to the Web site will appear.
Mrs. Clinton is also the beneficiary of a $770,000 television advertising campaign
from the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees. The spot
features Iowa voters talking about how Mrs. Clinton can "start this job on
Day 1," which is one of her campaign's themes. The union estimates that it
will spend more than $1 million on this television campaign.
Mr. Edwards's efforts to distance himself from third-party efforts has not halted
the ardor of some union groups campaigning on his behalf.
The United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners has formed a group, Working for
Working Americans, that has paid around $500,000 for television spots supporting
Mr. Edwards. The advertisements focus on the issue of job loss and cite the closing
of the Maytag factory in Newton, Iowa. They say Mr. Edwards would end the practice
of giving tax breaks to companies that move jobs overseas, and urge voters to
"give voice to your values" while showing pictures of Mr. Edwards. Federal
records show money for the spots came from the union's general fund.
Mr. Edwards is also benefiting from more than $1.5 million from the Alliance for
a New America, which has primarily been running a radio campaign in Iowa. While
most of the money has come from service union locals, one big donation of $495,000
that came in last Friday was given by a longtime Edwards supporter.
The name of the donating entity is Oak Spring Farms, which lists its address as
Central Park South in New York. The entity is a partnership between Rachel L.
Mellon, the 96-year-old widow of Paul Mellon, and her lawyer, Alexander D. Forger.
Oak Spring Farms had previously given $250,000 to Mr. Edwards's One America committee,
a 527 committee he set up to fight poverty.