From the Wall Street Journal:
Nonprofit Takes On Big Media
Group Seeks to Block
FCC Easing of Limits
On Cross-Ownership
By AMY SCHATZ
March 7, 2007; Page A8
Hundreds of liberal activists are expected to pack the pews tonight at the Broad
Street Presbyterian Church in Columbus, Ohio, to protest a Bush administration
plan. It has nothing to do with Iraq. It is about rules governing how many properties
media companies should be allowed to own in local markets.
Kevin Martin, the Republican chairman of the Federal Communications Commission,
wants to loosen existing ownership limits on newspapers and broadcasters to allow
them to own both in most markets. But his efforts have stalled, the result of
a surprisingly energetic grass-roots opposition campaign guided by Free Press,
a nonprofit with offices in Washington and Northampton, Mass.
"Such changes could have a serious impact on the diversity of viewpoints
and coverage of local issues in every community," the group argues in fliers
and an Internet site under its "STOP BIG MEDIA" campaign.
For a relatively low-profile organization, Free Press is on a roll. Four years
ago, it used old-fashioned grassroots organizing, along with basic Internet tools,
to help derail the FCC's years-long effort to relax media ownership rules. Last
year, the group thwarted a multi-million dollar lobbying effort by the Baby Bells
to rewrite the nation's telecom laws over "net neutrality," the idea
that Internet providers can't discriminate against any Internet traffic.
Progressive, left-leaning grass-roots activists have gotten more attention for
their opposition against the Iraq war, but their bigger impact may have been on
national media regulations and telecom policies. By mobilizing the progressive
left to focus on media and telecom issues, Free Press has effectively blocked
some of the most-wanted issues on corporate wish-lists.
The Free Press success is all the more remarkable, given the array of big-name
media companies pushing for change. Technology has changed the competitive landscape,
said a coalition of media firms -- including Belo Corp., CBS Corp., News Corp.'s
Fox Entertainment Group and NBC Universal Inc. -- in a December letter lobbying
the FCC to ease the rules. The FCC "should modernize its local ownership
rules to reflect these dynamic changes in the media marketplace," they say.
Media reformers have been working on these issues for years, but "they've
never had traction among grass-roots America before," says Mike McCurry,
former press secretary for President Clinton. Mr. McCurry drew scorn from left-leaning
bloggers last year after he helped launch a public-relations effort on behalf
of phone companies hoping to kill net-neutrality rules.
Free Press, which launched in 2003, has 300,000 members, about two dozen full-time
employees and an annual budget of roughly $2.5 million. Last year, it raised more
than $5 million in funding, mostly from liberal-leaning private foundations, including
George Soros's Open Society Institute. In 2005, almost half of its funding --
$755,000 -- came from the Schumann Center for Media and Democracy, which at the
time was overseen by its president, journalist Bill Moyers. This year, the group
is hoping to raise $4.5 million and wants to hire more grass-roots organizers.
It is raising its ambitions as well. After stymieing efforts to loosen media rules,
Free Press members believe they may be on the verge of changing the terms of the
debate -- to tightening regulations again.
"We're going to use this opportunity to move the goal posts," says Josh
Silver, Free Press co-founder and executive director.
Unlike other watchdog groups that have focused on telecom and media-reform issues
in the past, Free Press has successfully tapped into the grass-roots network dominated
by MoveOn.org.
"We just have to remind them to talk about media reform, not the war,"
says Amanda Ballantyne, Free Press's field organizer who is in charge of getting
people to show up tonight for the Columbus hearing, the 11th on the subject in
the past two years. She helps coordinate similar events around the country, rounding
up locals and tutoring them on the basics of media-ownership limits.
Recently, Ms. Ballantyne holed up at a Nashville Best Western for a week, trying
to convince locals to attend an official FCC media-ownership hearing. With the
help of local organizers, nearly 400 people showed up. Even with a strictly enforced
two-minute time limit, it took seven hours for the FCC commissioners to listen
to everyone.
In February, the group attracted more than 3,000 activists and bloggers to Memphis
for three days of workshops and speeches from progressive and liberal heroes,
including the Rev. Jesse Jackson and Mr. Moyers.
"If you watch TV news, it's all car crashes, shootings and Brangelina. If
we can't create more hard-hitting journalism, then we have a real problem,"
says Mr. Silver, a political activist who says he decided to form the group after
becoming mad one night when a local newscast led with a story about the rising
price of lobster. Local ownership of stations or newspapers leads to more accountability
to citizens and better journalism, he says.
With the help of University of Illinois professor and media critic Robert McChesney,
Mr. Silver soon launched a nonprofit group dedicated to media reform.
The current FCC chairman, Mr. Martin, had hoped to propose easing rules this year
which would allow media companies to own newspapers and broadcast stations in
most markets. But that proposal will have to wait until next year at least, FCC
officials say. The agency will hold at least three more public hearings around
the country and is awaiting 10 studies it commissioned on media-ownership issues,
which have already cost more than $550,000.