from the Chicaog Sun-Times:
Let's bring back old way of voting
July 16, 2001
Here's a hard sell: What Illinois needs is more politicians. But
an intriguing new, or should we say old, idea has emerged about
the Legislature that's worth a look.
Twenty years ago the Illinois House had 177 members from 59
districts. A voter went to the polls with three votes that he
could cast for a single House candidate or spread them out for
three contenders. Usually, Republicans and Democrats each offered
two candidates. Voters elected two majority party candidates, but
the minority party was also able to send representation from each
district. That meant that Illinois once had a significant number
of Republican legislators from Chicago and Democratic lawmakers
from strong GOP suburbs. But in 1980, by constitutional amendment
and in the name of cost-cutting, the House was shrunk to 117 and
a winner-take-all voting procedure replaced cumulative voting.
The current system is now under attack from some pretty
distinguished quarters. Former U.S. judge and Clinton White House
counsel Abner Mikva and former GOP Gov. Jim Edgar co-chaired an
examination of the system by a 70-member panel. Their report
recommends returning to cumulative voting. It says the current
system stifles competition (half of district races in 2000 were
uncontested), erodes participation in the House (the four
legislative leaders hold the purse strings and the lawmaking
power) and disillusions voters (only 44 percent eligible to vote
did so in the last legislative contests--Mikva says one of his
legislative races under the old system outpolled a presidential
contest).
The ideal of representative democracy is often poorly served in
Springfield. Important matters such as billion dollar-plus
improvements to the state's community colleges get attention that
can be timed with a stopwatch. What's the point of thorough
examination when in the end, it usually comes down to the
consensus of the Four Tops? The Mikva-Edgar panel says that the
solution to that may be a return to the old. Sure, if the
argument is framed as one of more politicians, it's a loser. But
cumulative voting is more appealing when viewed through the lens
of a more representative, inclusive and democratic Legislature
with a strong minority voice.
That would be real reform, not a sham like the ''campaign finance
reform'' scheme being pushed in Washington. Once the House of
Representatives could be counted on to pass such legislation--but
only because House members knew the Senate would kill it. But
this year, the Senate passed the McCain-Feingold restrictions on
political debate. All of a sudden, unions, interest groups, and
representatives of blacks and Hispanics were faced with the
prospect of limits on funding to turn out voters or to push their
positions in the last weeks of campaigns. They didn't like what
they saw and last week the House version of the campaign gag
measure, known as the Shays-Meehan bill, suffered a crucial
defeat.
Cheerleaders for restricting political speech, such as the New
York Times, looked for a scapegoat and accused House Speaker J.
Dennis Hastert of preventing a vote on the bill. The plot to get
it passed involved getting approval of a package of 14 amendments
by stifling debate (and that's what ''campaign finance reform''
is all about) on each one of them. Hastert blew the whistle of
that scheme, insisting that each amendment get voted on
individually. Obviously the package included provisions that
couldn't stand the light of day, so the bill wasn't voted on.
Hastert served the best interest of democracy by requiring that
each element of a bill to restrict debate in political campaigns
get a full airing before a vote.
July 16, 2001
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