From the St. Louis Post Dispatch
Illinois: Finally reform?
06/02/2008
Illinois Auditor General William Holland has been poking his nose into Gov.
Rod Blagojevich's Office of Management and the Budget. What he found smells
distinctly fishy.
Mr. Holland reported last week that the OMB had issued no-bid contracts, awarded
contracts to someone other than the best bidder and issued other contracts for
which bid evaluation documents mysteriously disappeared.
For instance, there were two contracts awarded for legal services worth a total
of at least $90,000. The governor's budget office never put them out for bid,
as required by law. Instead, they went to firms that contributed a combined
$78,000 to Mr. Blagojevich's campaigns.
That's business as usual in Illinois government, where the rule is "pay
to play." If you want a state contract, it doesn't hurt to spread money
around among politicians, especially those who directly issue the contracts.Mr.
Blagojevich's campaign has reaped millions of dollars in contributions from
state contractors and their executives, the auditor found. A survey of just
two dozen large state contractors turned up at least $1 million in contributions
to Mr. Blagojevich, and that doesn't count payments made by company executives.
As long as there is no direct quid pro quo — this much money for this
particular contract — it's all perfectly legal. The result is legalized
corruption practiced by wink and nod.
The audit hit the headlines as jurors in Chicago continue deliberations in the
pay-for-play trial of Tony Rezko, a Blagojevich friend and fundraiser.
Prosecutors say Mr. Rezko used his clout with the governor to stack state boards
and commissions. Then, they charge, Mr. Rezko schemed to extract bribes from
supplicants before the commissions.
Testimony in the long-running trial lifted the curtain on a seamy system in
which state jobs and contracts are dispensed to and through those who hand cash
to politicians. Mr. Blagojevich's name was mentioned repeatedly, although he
has not been charged with any wrongdoing.
The spectacle of the trial, coming hard on the heels of the corruption conviction
of former Gov. George Ryan, finally embarrassed the Legislature into taking
action. On Saturday night, shortly before this year's session adjourned, the
House gave unanimous approval to a Senate-passed bill that would forbid politicians
who control state contracts from accepting donations from firms or employees
of firms with state contracts worth more than $50,000.
Mr. Blagojevich now has a problem. He rode into Springfield in 2002 vowing to
be a reformer. But apparently he has cynical plans to kill the pay-to-play bill.
He may try to kill it with kindness. His office says the bill doesn't go far
enough in limiting contributions. He may send it back to legislators with an
"amendatory veto," a gimmick that lets the governor change a bill
in a way the General Assembly won't accept. He might, for instance, amend it
to limit contributions to legislators as well as contributions to office holders
with control over state contracts.
That wouldn't be a bad idea. The lack of any campaign contribution limits allows
special interests to buy favors from legislators the way contractors buy state
contracts. But lawmakers are loath to limit their own goodies, as Mr. Blagojevich
knows full well.
Mr. Blagojevich has done a lot of good for the people of Illinois, from raising
the minimum wage to his relentless efforts to expand health care for those with
no coverage. But his ravenous appetite for campaign funds threatens to destroy
his legacy. To salvage it, Rod Blagojevich, the king of pay-to-play, should
play the Nixon-to-China card and sign the reform bill.