The Moline Dispatch and The Rock Island Argus
April 27, 2008
Shine a light on lobbying
Editorial Contrary to popular opinion, lobbyists are not all evil. The best
ones are honest, informed, useful sources of information for those charged with
crafting public policy.
The trick is telling the bad from the good. The way to do that is to know exactly
who is doing what. In Illinois, where there are, the Center for Public Integrity
says, 12 lobbyists for every legislator (the average in the 50 states is five),
transparency becomes even more critical.
That's why a recent study of local government lobbying raises red flags. The
Illinois Campaign for Political Reform (ICPR) found that local government agencies
in Illinois spent more than $5 million to contact with lobbyists during the
last fiscal year. Among them locally were the city of Cordova, which paid a
lobbying firm $7,500; the i wireless Center (the former of Mark of the Quad-Cities),
which wrote checks to lobbyists totaling $3,000; and MetroLINK which paid $9,000
to its lobbyists last year. Those amounts were tiny compared to what governments
and agencies in the Chicagoland area spent. Take, for example, the $700,000
handed out by the metropolitan area's four mass transit agencies even as the
state debated a transit bailout. (For the complete report, visit www.ilcampaign.org.)
How much local government is paying to lobby state government is interesting,
to be sure. But what may be more important is what the study teaches us about
the transparency of lobbying process in Illinois. Recent lobbyist ethics legislation
has been lauded as cleaning up the process. But has it?
"This $5 million of public funds is significant, but it is a small portion
of the tens of millions of dollars spent on lobbying by hundreds of corporations,
labor unions and other special interest groups represented by lobbyists in Springfield,"
said Cynthia Canary, director ICPR in a press release announcing the study.
"What the public doesn't know is what special interests in the private
sector are spending to try to pass or kill legislation and to impact actions
in the executive branch."
It took the state's Freedom of Information Act and the cooperation of local
officials to create the current study, she said. "But a change in state
law is needed to mandate similar disclosure by the private sector."
ICPR's David Morrison, lead researcher on the study, adds, "The federal
government and several other states require more public disclosure of private
sector lobbying expenditures, but Illinois lobbying laws require far less disclosure.
Some local governments, including Cook County and the City of Chicago, require
more public disclosure about financial arrangements of lobbyists of local governments
than the state requires of state-regulated lobbyists.? Most alarming were the
discrepancies he found between what local governments reported about lobbying
action and what the state recorded via lobbyist disclosure. If reporting was
that bad among public sector lobbyists, what must it be like among private sector
ones? ICPR offers these steps to toughen lobbyist disclosure in Illinois:
-- Require all lobbyists, government or otherwise, to disclose the terms of
lobbying contracts, including financial arrangements.
-- Require organizations lobbying government to disclose expenses related to
lobbying, including salaries of in-house lobbyists and other administrative
expenses.
-- Require lobbyists who hire other lobbyists as subcontractors to disclose
how much work they're doing and with whom. The lobbyists' clients also should
report the identity of subcontractors working for them.
-- Give the Secretary of State?s office, the keeper of the records, authority
to audit reports and punish violators.
-- Ban state officials from immediately lobbying on leaving office. It's common,
for example, to find former agency heads lobbying regulatory panels they used
to head, or former legislators lobbying colleagues and friends. A cooling off
period should be required.
All are steps lawmakers should take today. We fear, however, that they will
fare no better than House Bill 1, a measure aimed at ending pay-to-play politics
in Illinois. Despite vocal public support by the bulk of lawmakers, the bill
has languished in the Senate for a full year as reports of public corruption
make headlines. The word from Springfield is that a compromise could be reached
as early as next week. We hope so and urge lawmakers to support the compromise
if it truly does ban, or at least curb, the practice. Then they can turn their
attention to shining a disinfecting light on lobbying.
Contrary to popular opinion, lobbyists are not all evil. The best ones are honest,
informed, useful sources of information for those charged with crafting public
policy.
The trick is telling the bad from the good. The way to do that is to know exactly
who is doing what. In Illinois, where there are, the Center for Public Integrity
says, 12 lobbyists for every legislator (the average in the 50 states is five),
transparency becomes even more critical.
That's why a recent study of local government lobbying raises red flags. The
Illinois Campaign for Political Reform (ICPR) found that local government agencies
in Illinois spent more than $5 million to contact with lobbyists during the
last fiscal year. Among them locally were the city of Cordova, which paid a
lobbying firm $7,500; the i wireless Center (the former of Mark of the Quad-Cities),
which wrote checks to lobbyists totaling $3,000; and MetroLINK which paid $9,000
to its lobbyists last year. Those amounts were tiny compared to what governments
and agencies in the Chicagoland area spent. Take, for example, the $700,000
handed out by the metropolitan area's four mass transit agencies even as the
state debated a transit bailout. (For the complete report, visit www.ilcampaign.org.)
How much local government is paying to lobby state government is interesting,
to be sure. But what may be more important is what the study teaches us about
the transparency of lobbying process in Illinois. Recent lobbyist ethics legislation
has been lauded as cleaning up the process. But has it?
"This $5 million of public funds is significant, but it is a small portion
of the tens of millions of dollars spent on lobbying by hundreds of corporations,
labor unions and other special interest groups represented by lobbyists in Springfield,"
said Cynthia Canary, director ICPR in a press release announcing the study.
"What the public doesn't know is what special interests in the private
sector are spending to try to pass or kill legislation and to impact actions
in the executive branch."
It took the state's Freedom of Information Act and the cooperation of local
officials to create the current study, she said. "But a change in state
law is needed to mandate similar disclosure by the private sector."
ICPR's David Morrison, lead researcher on the study, adds, "The federal
government and several other states require more public disclosure of private
sector lobbying expenditures, but Illinois lobbying laws require far less disclosure.
Some local governments, including Cook County and the City of Chicago, require
more public disclosure about financial arrangements of lobbyists of local governments
than the state requires of state-regulated lobbyists.? Most alarming were the
discrepancies he found between what local governments reported about lobbying
action and what the state recorded via lobbyist disclosure. If reporting was
that bad among public sector lobbyists, what must it be like among private sector
ones? ICPR offers these steps to toughen lobbyist disclosure in Illinois:
-- Require all lobbyists, government or otherwise, to disclose the terms of
lobbying contracts, including financial arrangements.
-- Require organizations lobbying government to disclose expenses related to
lobbying, including salaries of in-house lobbyists and other administrative
expenses.
-- Require lobbyists who hire other lobbyists as subcontractors to disclose
how much work they're doing and with whom. The lobbyists' clients also should
report the identity of subcontractors working for them.
-- Give the Secretary of State?s office, the keeper of the records, authority
to audit reports and punish violators.
-- Ban state officials from immediately lobbying on leaving office. It's common,
for example, to find former agency heads lobbying regulatory panels they used
to head, or former legislators lobbying colleagues and friends. A cooling off
period should be required.
All are steps lawmakers should take today. We fear, however, that they will
fare no better than House Bill 1, a measure aimed at ending pay-to-play politics
in Illinois. Despite vocal public support by the bulk of lawmakers, the bill
has languished in the Senate for a full year as reports of public corruption
make headlines. The word from Springfield is that a compromise could be reached
as early as next week. We hope so and urge lawmakers to support the compromise
if it truly does ban, or at least curb, the practice. Then they can turn their
attention to shining a disinfecting light on lobbying.